It was the Yaminite tribe of Amorites, semi-nomadic confederation centered on pastoralism-based structure, which evolved from mobile herding communities, who settled in Halab (Aleppo). These tribes, including subgroups like the Banjaminites and Hanaeans, maintained seasonal migration routes (nighum) for grazing and water access, radiating from core areas in the Middle Euphrates toward Halab (modern day Aleppo in Syria), fostering a shared ethnic identity rooted in extended family ties and assemblies (puhur amurrim) for decision-making. Their peaceful life in Halab was disturbed by Yahdun-Lim (c.1728-1680), the successor of Yaggid-Lim of the kingdom of Mari 186 miles distant from Halab. Expansionism was started by Yaggid-Lim, the chieftain of a Simalite (Banū Simʾal) pastoralist group in Suprum and Terqa who turned to be the first king of Lim dynasty after ending the Shakkanakku period in Mari and making alliance with Ila-kabkabu, the Amorite king of 400-km distant Ekallatum. Yaggid-Lim's center was at Terqa - because of his family there. He was the king of a domain of nomadic Amorite pastoral territory along the river -- although there were a lot of rejections outside and inside his area.
Due to Yaggid-Lim’s expansionism and territorial disputes, he being the king of Mari violated his treaty with Ila-kabkabu (c.1730 BCE). Ila-kabkabu responded with raids that led to the capture of Yaggid-Lim’s heir, Prince Yahdun-Lim, effectively breaking their pact -- as Yaggid-Lim himself had not respected their mutual defense treaty against emerging regional threats in the north, when he himself was the threat, as recorded on a Mari tablet. Prince Yahdun-Lim was eventually released. If Mari could do this to his own ally, Ila-kabkabu, then Yaggid-Lim would have been even more likely to do the same to Yamhad (Halab), and by this harshness why Yamhad was founded as kingdom in Halab.
Simalites and Yaminites were two major groups of Amorite confederations along the Euphrates with Yaggit-Lim of Mari heading the former and Sumu-Epuh of Yamhad leading the latter.
SUMU-EPUH, FOUNDER OF THE YAMHAD KINGDOM
The leader of the Halab Yaminite tribe, Sumu-Epuh (c.1714-1679) was the first to be called "King of Yamhad" and was related to Mari's people via Amorite tribes, but like six other tribal chiefts, Sumu-Epuh was against the king of Mari.
The first to show resistance and launch an incursion was Ila-kabkabu, an Amorite tribal chief who took Suprum in 1721 BCE, likely from Yahdun-Lim (c.1728-1680). A year later Ila-kabkabu died and his authority was absorbed by Aminu, the elder son who had his own kingdom and now annexed Ekallatum, as we can infer from the eponym chronicle, although Shamshi-Adad, the younger son, entered Ila-kabkabu's house, perhaps as a viceroy of Aminu in Ekallatum. Aminu is attested on the seal of a servant and might have reigned near the border of Mari.
That Suprum, mentioned earlier, was likely captured by Hammurabi in the latter's Year 11 in 1687-1686 BCE as a consequence of the Babylonian king's capture of Rapiqum 40 km to the south.
In the year of a solar eclipse, 1706 BCE, Aminu was likely defeated by Ipiq-Adad II (r.1719-1701) and was killed. With Aminu's fall, Shamshi-Adad was "born" into kingship (REL 126-127 & 154-155). Then in 1704 BCE, Shamshi-Adad might have defeated Dur-Yahdun-Lim port: this fortress city was built by the Mariote king near Deir ez-Zor several decades earlier when Yahdun-Lim took control of the Banks of the Euphrates for business reasons several years before subduing seven tribes in the region.
"Yahdun-Lim, son of Yaggid-Lim, king of Mari, Tuttul, and the land of Hana, mighty king who controls the
Banks of the Euphrates.
[The god] Dagan proclaimed my kingship... I took prisoner seven kings who had fought against me. I annexed their lands. I undid the damage to the Banks of the Euphrates and restored peace to my land. I opened canals. I caused my land to lose the habit of drawing water. I built the wall of Mari..." -- Louvre AO 18236
Mari might have control of Supur-Shamash, Ashtabala, Ashnakkum, and Tarnip, which were among the Banks of Euphrates and were seized in 1701-1700 BCE by king Naram-Suen, which entails that Yahdun-Lim of Mari had no choice but to be an ally of the newly enthroned king of Eshnunna. This alliance surprised Shamshi-Adad I, who was unprepared for any huge attack. In his regnal Year 3, Naram-Suen successfully captured Ekallatum (1699-1698 BCE), compelling Shamshi-Adad to seek refuge in Babylon (most likely, to king Sin-mubalit). Prior that, Naram-Suen reminded Shamshi-Adad that even Shinam could have helped with military, it's proven it had not saved Nerebtum, Urshitum, Diniktum, or Mankisum for being exhausted and abandoned.
Naram-Suen of Eshnunna took control of karum Kanesh until in the 35th regnal year of Naram-Sin of Assyria when the karum (trade center) was completely burned to the ground (1694 BCE), a fierce battle that started in 1696 BCE, the very same year when Shamshi-Adad left Babylon for Ekallatum. Shamshi-Adad stayed 3 years in Ekallatum until the death of Naram-Suen in 1691 BCE. The chaos in Eshnunna that followed and the weakness of Ekallatum left Yamhad safe from outsider intrusions for a while.
Timeline:
1721: Ila-kabkabu took Suprum.
1720: Ila-kabkabu died, succeeded by Aminu and viceroy Shamshi-Adad I.
1706: solar eclipse: Ipiq-Adad II defeated Aminu, birth of Shamshi-Adad to kingship.
1704: Shamshi-Adad probably defeated Dur-Yahdun-Lim.
1701: Ipiq-Adad II died and was succeeded by Naram-Suen, who was victorious over the Banks of the Euphrates, and may have made alliance with Yahdun-Lim.
1698: Shamshi-Adad fled to Babylon after Naram-Suen conquered Ekallatum.
1696: Sin-mubalit died and succeeded by Hammurabi, possible reason why Shamshi-Adad left Babylon to go to Ekallatum with his son Ishme-Dagan. Battle in karum Kanesh started. Start of the regnal year of Shamshi-Adad and Hammurabi.
1694: karum Kanesh was completely burned. Shamshi-Adad stayed in Ekallatum. Start of regnal service of Ishme-Dagan I.
1691: Naram-Suen died, and chaos followed in Eshnunna.
1687: Hammurabi seized Rapiqum, perhaps including Suprum.
1687 BCE
Yamhadite city of Tuba, which was a personal possession of Sumu-Epuh's royal family, was attacked by Qatna king Amarpiel I (c.1700-c.1687), Mariote king Yaddun-Lim and Hammu-Nabih (probably king of Tuttul) in c.1687 BCE and took a large booty.
The situation later shifted, however, when the Yaminites chiefs in Tuttul began planning to attack Yahdun-lim instead. Sumu-Epuh, although was 300 kilometers distant from them, encouraged this plan. The resistance was a response to Yahdun-Lim's expansionism, particularly when in 1684 BCE his ships took expedition on Mediterranean Sea, trespassing the region of Yamhad and endangering the nearby cities.
1684 BCE
To protect Halab, Alalakh, and Tuba from the Mariote king Yahdun-Lim, Sumu-Epuh sent support to Tuttul. They engaged Yahdun-Lim, but were defeated at its gates. At Sagaratum, Yahdun-Lim captured the local kings, asserting dominance over the nomadic groups between Emar and Mari — groups that Sumu-Epuh of Yamhad had incited against him in response to Yahdun-Lim’s western interventions. This victory led Yahdun-Lim to be proclaimed sarrum dannum ("mighty king") over Mari, Tuttul, and the Hanaean nomads along the Euphrates.
Although the Mariote king had defeated the seven chiefs of the Banjaminites, Yahdun-Lim refrained from open war with Yamhad (Aleppo). The reason was clear: Shamshi-Adad, who might have fought his troops in Dur-Yahdun-Lim and who was controlling karum Kanesh, was now advancing on Mari, and that threat left Sumu-Epuh of Yamhad no alternative but to join with Yahdun-Lim to oppose Shamshi-Adad I. In 1684 BCE Sumu-Epuh dispatched his son, Prince Yarim-Lim, eastward to provide military support to another Amorite ruler of Der, on the border of Elam. For the next four years Shamshi-Adad pressed his war against Yahdun-Lim, steadily exhausting Mari’s armies, treasury, and grain stores.
1681 BCE
As early as 1681 up to 1670 BCE, Yarim-Lim stationed and, as a consequence, sunk 500 warships at Diniktum — at modern Tell Muhammad in Baghdad, in the Diyala region near the northern border of Elam — likely at the request of its king, Sin-gamil, an ally. In a letter to Yasub-Yahad dated to around 1670 BCE, Yarim-Lim explained his decision:
"Indeed. Sin-gamil, king of Diniktum, has repeatedly responded to me with lies and provocations, just as you do. I docked 500 boats at Diniktum’s quay and supported his land and him for 12 years!" — Tablet A.1314
"Sin-gamil, [was] the great leader of the Martu [i .e. Amorite chief] of the city of Diniktum, son of Sin-semi" as mentioned in brick inscription, and it was during the days of Hammurabi of Babylon (1696–1654) and Zimri-Lim of Mari (1680–1663 BCE).
The deployment of 500 warships indicates that the Kingdom of Yamhad was both wealthy and militarily powerful -- the reason why Yamhad dynasty became famous than any previous dynasties in Halab. And this may explain why Shamshi-Adad targeted first the weaker Mari than to combat the stronger Yamhad Kingdom, beside of the fact that Mari was on front of Aleppo and Yamhad could muster allies near Ekallatum.
1680 BCE
In his Year 16 as king of Ekallatum, Shamshi-Adad was ravaging Assyria before turning west toward Syria.
Yahdun-Lim recorded four year-names of his battle against Shamshi-Adad I, until in 1681-1680 BCE when eponyms chronicle reported that:
"During the eponymy of Atanum, Shamshi-Adad defeated 12 kings; [one of which] Yahdun-Lim king of Mari..." -- REL 180
Another casualty of this war was likely Erishum II, king of Assyria.
"In the eponymy of Atamar-Ishtar, Shamshi-Adad went up from Ekallatum. He ousted Erishum, son of Naram-Sin, from the throne and took it.." (AKL)
So, later Assyrian chronologists might have rewritten "Atanum" as "Atamar," changing "n" into "r" or by erroneously seeing "-um" as "-ar."
After ousting Erishum II, Shamshi-Adad proclaimed himself “Governor of Ashur.” This followed an old Assyrian tradition going back to Tudiya Adamu — “Adam, Beloved of Yah” — that Assyria could have only one true king: the God. The human ruler was merely God’s viceroy, called governor or mayor. Shamshi-Adad respected this designation.
In Mari archives, however, Shamshi-Adad is called
“King of Assyria,"
whereas in Mesopotamia (c.1677 BCE) he styled himself
“King of Subartu."
He also took the title “Unifier of the Land of the Euphrates and Tigris,” a phrase later probably reused by the first king of Mitanni as 'shar matim' (“King of the Land”), Unifier of Greater Hana.
Around 1680 BCE he transferred the capital from Ekallatum to Shekhna, which he renamed "Shubat-Enlil."
And then he granted Ekallatum to his elder son, Ishme-Dagan I, who might have served as his viceroy since the year he stayed at Ekallatum after leaving Babylon.
Following this, Shamshi-Adad set his sights on king Yahdun-Lim, striking at Mari - a city whose strategic location promised both military advantage and control over major trade.
This incident was taken advantage of by Sumu-Yaman, who was vying for the Mariote throne. Seeing a chance against the weakened Mariote forces, he probably conspired with the Mariote king's servants to kill Yahdun-Lim in the palace -- an act that, in the eyes of Mari people, benefited Shamshi-Adad. So, if you cannot defeat your enemy by outside forces, use inside greedy men, such as what possibly happened to Yaggit-Lim. Upon learning what had happened to his father or grandfather, prince Zimri-Lim fled -- by his mother Addu-duri -- to Aleppo, where king Sumu-Epuh had no choice but to welcome him. Anyway, Zimri-Lim would be a useful instrument against Shamshi-Adad I. Sumu-Epuh had to enfeoff (gift) the land of Alakhtum to Zimri-Lim for refuge, where the latter probably first established his office. This made Zimri-Lim a vassal of Sumu-Epuh in return and Alakhtum (Alalakh) as vice kingdom.
YARIM-LIM, 2nd KING OF YAMHAD
Yarim-Lim was approached by Nur-Sin, Zimri-Lim’s ambassador to Aleppo, and was negotiated with two key agreements:
The ambassador arranged
an alliance between the Mariote prince and king Yarim-Lim, and
the marriage of Yarim-Lim’s daughter Shibtu to Zimri-Lim.
Additionally, the ambassador had delivered a prophecy from the god Addu of Aleppo relayed by a prophetess, who declared:
“Addu, lord of Aleppo, has given you [Zimri-Lim] the land of Mari as a gift, and no one will stand against you."
Victory is promised to Zimri-Lim, which only completely materialized after the death of Shamshi-Adad I in the 32nd year name of Hammurabi.
Two days after the wedding ceremony, Sumu-Epuh's queen consort Sumunna-Abi, the mother of Yarim-Lim, died. Thereafter Yarim-Lim won a series of victories that earned him the title “Great King.”
In a later letter, ambassador Nur-Sin requested that Zimri-Lim cede the estate of Alakhtum (Alalakh) to Aleppo. Alalakh likely served as Zimri-Lim’s temporary administrative center during his stay away from Mari (1680-1665). This corresponds to what archaeologists call Alalakh Level VII. The level yielded a palace, archive, temples, city wall, tripartite gate, houses, workshops, and burial both inside and outside the walls.
Between 2015–2019 during excavations of the Level VII palace, more than 70 wall-painting fragments were recovered and radiocarbon-dated to c. 1680 BCE.
Around 1680 BCE, Yarim-Lim conquered the city of Tuttul. Conquering Tuttul was like conquering Mari, because it was part of the Mariote Kingdom, as Yahdun-Lim was once known as
"the king of Mari, Tuttul, and the land of Hana."
Yarim-Lim declare his ally, prince Zimri-Lim [1680 BCE], as the heir to the throne of Mari, and as the appointed king of Mari's Kingdom (1679 BCE) and installed him as governor of Tuttul, which was a 3-day boat journey from Mari. With this arrangement, Zimri-Lim was considered to be reigning over the kingdom of Mari from Tuttul. His first Year 1 was counted from here, and lasted till his Year 17.
Year 1: when Zimri-Lim seized Kahat [1680 BCE].
Year 2: when Zimri-Lim puts in order Euphrates banks. He erected his statue for Addu of Aleppo [1679 BCE].
Year 3: Zimri-Lim was victorious against Banjaminites in Saggaratum [1678 BCE].
Year 4: Zimri-Lim seized Ashlakka [1677 BCE].
In the early 1679 BCE, the eponym chronicle has an entry:
"During the eponymy of Ashur-taklaku, Shamshi-Adad defeated [...]"
The lacuna, or missing part, could be the name Yamhad (king Sumu-Epuh). Around this same time Sumu-Epuh died, and his son Yarim-Lim, who had likely already been declared king years before, succeeded to throne of Yamhad.
Yarim-Lim's act of appointing Zimri-Lim as true heir to the throne of Mari and Zimri-Lim's victory over Kahat (1680 BCE) and Saggaratum (1678 BCE) may have prompted Shamshi-Adad to secure the Mariote throne, deciding to go to Mari during the eponymy of Haya-malik [REL 182] to depose and kill Sumu-Yaman and install his own womanizer son, Yashma-Adad (c.1678 BCE), whom he had marry Betlum, the daughter of Ishi-Addu of Qatna -- an enemy of Yamhad. This Ishi-Addu had in the past declared that
"even if Shamshi-Adad would conclude peace with Sumu-epuh, I will never make peace with Sumu-epuh [1680s BCE], as long as I live!"
Since the days of Amarpiel I, Yamhad had repeatedly reclaimed territory taken by Qatna. Tensions worsened when Ishi-Addu failed to overpower Yamhad in struggle: he seized Parga in Hamath, on Qatna’s border. Qatna, called "Shinar" near Hamath in Isaiah 11:11, was left behind. Sumu-Epuh of Yamhad (d. 1679 BCE) retook Parga, provoking Ishi-Addu’s wrath.
In the south, Ishi-Addu confronted a widespread rebellion. He appealed to Shamshi-Adad, who agreed to send aid.
Shamshi-Adad initially planned to send 20,000 troops under the command of his son Yasmah-Adad (1678), but the plan was abandoned when Yasmah-Adad showed no interest -- as the troops of Zimri-Lim were just few hours distant from him. A significantly smaller force was therefore sent instead, under Assyrian generals who entered Ishi-Addu’s service around 1677 BCE.
The Assyrian troops deliberately avoided engagement with Yamhad and did not take part in the war against it. Meanwhile, Ishi-Addu established himself at Qadesh to oversee the suppression of the revolt, which appears to have received support from Yarim-Lim I. Workers in Hazor were probably complaining to the large quantities of commodities that Ishi-Addu was demanding them for his daughter's dowry when she married Yashma-Adad in Mari.
Shamshi-Adad's military and financial resources were probably exhausted due to several battles: in Assyria against Erishum II, in Mari against Yahdun-Lim, and now he faced the troops of Eshnunna under Dadusha. In Year 2 of Eshnunna's king, Dadusha, equipped with superior military technology, defeated Ekallatum and subdued Ishme-Dagan and, by extension, Shamshi-Adad I (1677 BCE).
Shamshi-Adad refrained from launching war against Yamhad because his viceroy in Mari, Yasmah-Adad, was weak. Moreover, Saggaratum, which had just fallen to Mari and where Zimri-Lim had another palace, lay only a few hours from Mari itself -- the risk was too great.
1678 BCE
Spies of Zimri-Lim reported that king Asdi-takim of Haran, the kings of Zalmaqum, and the sheikhs (mayors) and elders of the Banjaminites offered a donkey in the temple of the moon-god Sin in Haran to seal an alliance treaty. In response, Zimri-Lim moved against them, defeating them in Saggaratum (1678) -- taking Haran from Shamshi-Adad's hands.
Then, Ishi-Addu died: in Mari texts he appears in 6 years correspondences. He was succeeded by Amud-pi-el (Amarpiel) II. This may have stirred Amarpiel's resentment, as Shamshi-Adad have not helped his predecessor.
Because of killing the kings of Banjaminites and ordering the digging of Khabur canal, the Yaminite tribes revolted against Zimri-Lim (1677 BCE). Amarpiel II sent troops to Dur-Yahdun-Lim as a support after Zimri-Lim asked him a help. This battle necessitated Zimri-Lim in his Year 6 to conduct a census of the land (1676-1675 BCE) to assess the lost and strength, and to determine the population of the ten tribes of Hanaeans, and this was followed by rebuilding the Dur-Yahdun-Lim (1675-1674 BCE).
Zimri-Lim sealed his alliance by marrying Dam-hurasim, daughter of Amarpiel II (r. 1677–1663 BCE), and soon may have one daughter to her.
Yarim-Lim I, however, sent a letter to Zimri-Lim telling him that Yarim-Lim will agree to establish peach with Qatna if Amarpiel II were to come by himself to Aleppo, thus acknowledging the supremacy of Yamhad. He further stated: "we will establish good relations between me and him, an oath by the gods and a firm treaty."
During this period, Zimri-Lim was under the guidance of the Kingdom of Yamhad, and was likely residing in different places, such as Alalakh, Tuttul, Saggaratum, and Terqa, and even having 17 year-names to commemorate his achievements every year of his reign while in exile. He twice asked Yarim-Lim to extradite his subordinates.
The first concerned a vassal king who addressed Zimri-Lim as "brother" rather than "father;" Yarim-Lim refused the demand. The second was made through Daris-Libur, the Mariote ambassador in Aleppo, who requested the return of fugitives. Yarim-Lim declined twice before finally agreeing on the Mariote ambassador's third approach.
In his fifth regnal year in 1675 BCE, his mother Addu-duri, probably wife of Hadni-Addu (most likely brother of Yahdun-Lim), died; and so, queen Shibtu assumed oversight of certain palace reserves, including metals and wool, which were left by the queen dowager.
Zimri-Lim, who was under Yarim-Lim was at peace with Amarpiel II, the successor of king Ishi-Addu, which in effect Qatna was at peace with Yarim-Lim I. This could be the reason why Shamshi-Adad ordered his troops back, four years after serving Ishi-Addu of Qatna.
"In the eponymy of Ibni-Adad," AKL reports, "Shamshi-Adad went up from Karduniash (Babylon). He took Ekallatum" from Yamhad because it was under Zimri-Lim in Mari king's Year 8 (or 7th year), 1674 BCE. By this regnal year also, Zimri-Lim travelled in Ilansura (Ellasar) by passing Saggaratum, Rasum, and Tadum.
A Mari text, probably written by Hammurabi, gives condition by how Mankisum be taken from Babylon.
"If he releases Mankisum, Upi, Shahadunu, and the banks of the Tigris River three double-miles south of Upi — which is the border my grandfather Apil-Sin fixed - then, I will make peace with him. Otherwise, if I am to release Mankisum, he should repay me (for) my efforts that I expended against the Sukkal of Elam for Mankisum. (Only) then may he take Mankisum and I (will take) Upi, Shahadunu and three double-miles south of Upi (along) the banks of the Tigris River."
This same Mankisum was seized by Dadusha in the Eshnunna king's Year 5, 1674 BCE.
After that, Mari king has received an intelligence that:
"A mass of troops of the prince of Eshnunna are assembling at Mankisum; Dannum-tahaz will cross the river with them and go to Rapiqum."
Around 1673 BCE, during Year 8 of Zimri-Lim’s reign, Amarpiel of Qatna, came to Ugarit and met Zimri-Lim. At this point, Zimri-Lim probably had six daughters with queen Shibtu.
In 1673-1672 BCE, Siwe-Palar-Khuppak (Sheplarpak) of Elam formed a coalition with Zimri-Lim (r.1680-1663) and Hammurabi of Babylon (r.1696-1654), but Sheplarpak sent armies to attack some settlements loyal to and under the protection of Mari, getting Zimri-Lim angered. Babylon reached out Elam to be allies. Siwe-Palar-Khuppak's plan in that alliance was for Hammurabi to attack Eshnunna with the intention to conquer it and impose direct rule from his sukkal Kudu-zulush in Susa. Besides, he also sent message to Rim-Sin in Larsa of a help. Later, the coalition turned against Siwe-Palar-Khuppak's intention, which is obvious in the title he made for himself "Enlarger of the Empire," and they fought Siwe-palar-huppak and his ally the warlord Atamrum and seiged Razama.
1672 BCE
Yarim-Lim convened an assembly of his vassals, and Zimri-Lim traveled to Aleppo where he met the envoys from Qatna and Hazor, indicating that Amarpiel II was now recognizing Yarim-Lim's dominance and that Hazor, vassal of Qatna, had submitted to Yamhad.
According to Mari archives (ZL 10), this occurred in the "Year 10 in which Zimri-Lim went up to Yamhad."
Qarni-Lim of Andarig became an ally of Zimri-Lim after breaking away from a coalition with Eshnunna. However, when Shamshi-Adad campaigned on behalf of his ally Dadusha, Qarni-Lim (r.1676-1672) voluntarily submitted as a vassal to Shamshi-Adad, a betrayal caused a feud with Zimri-Lim resulting in a siege of the city Andarig (1669). Internal revolt destabilizated Qarni-Lim's government -- and he was assassinated by beheading in 1672 BCE.
Seizing the opportunity, Dadusha's troops occupied Andarig and gave its throne to a populist leader Atamrum, son of Warad-Sin, king of Allahad. Mari archives record this in ZL 11, the "Year in which Zimri-Lim was victorious against Qarni-Lim," suggesting that the rebellion in Andarig was likely incited by Zimri-Lim between 1672 and 1671 BCE.
Atamrum, king of Allahad and sooner of Andarig, in the 10th regnal year of Zimri-Lim, led an army against Razama, which was ruled by Sharraya (Sharrum-kima-kalima), a vassal of Zimri-Lim. The army was a coalition of Eshnunna (under Dadusha) and Elam (under Siwe-Palar-Huppak). They had a prolonged but ultimately unsuccessful siege against the city. The defenders were practicing a strategy of active defense "When troops arrived at Razama, when they arrived, the troops of the city came out and killed 700 Elamites and 600 Eshnunakeans". They break the assault, pouring hot bitumen over the attacker's siege towers and burned them. After a siege ramp was constructed it was attacked:
... Citizens made a tunnel in the city. They made two holes in the wall, right and left toward the front of the ramp. At night they entered [that] tunnel, and in the early morning, the troops of the city [came] out and killed half of the troops (of Atamrum). They made them drop the bronze lances and their shields and brought them inside the city."
1671 BCE
Yarim-Lim extended his influence to Ugarit. In Year 11 of Zimri-Lim (1671 BCE), Zimri-Lim made a diplomatic tour to Ugarit. The armies of Yarim-Lim campaigned as far as Elam near the modern southern Iraqi-Iranian borders, most likely because Yasub-Yahad requested Yarim-Lim of military aid, probably as Yashub-Adad, king of Ahazum, was pressuring them, as Shamshi-Adad asking tributes from Ahazum.
Then, Atru-Sipti, the king of Urshu, visited Mariote king in the 12th year of Zimri-Lim (1669 BCE). At this same time, Dadusha was planning a collaboration with Babylon to attack Diyala region.
"Speak to Yasmah-Addu, thus says Ishme-Dagan your brother. I wrote to you before to say that I had gone to Karana to help Samu-Addu. The ruler of Eshnunna (Dadusha), together with all his troops, his courtiers and his friends, has assembled and is staying in Upe [Damascus] and he kept writing to the ruler of Babylon (Hammurabi) to meet him in Mankisum [Diyala region], but the ruler of Babylon did not agree."
Dadusha was trying to persuade Babylon to join his planned attack on Diyala region, but Hammurabi rejected the proposal, probably, after recognizing Yarim-Lim as more powerful than both Dadusha and minion Ishme-Dagan I (under Shamshi-Adad I). It would also have been strategically risky to allow Assyrians and Eshnunnaeans to devastate the Diyala frontier, leaving Babylon's own territory exposed to hostile powers. Hammurabi might have thought that he, not Malgium or Qabra, would be the next target of an Assyrian-Eshnunna coalition.
Note: Shamas Addu of Karala, the ally of Ishme-Dagan I and mentioned in the letter, was likely the father of ill-Samas (OBTR 317), who became a servant of king Pithana of Kussara during the eponymy of Usur-sa-Ashur in Year 23 of Samsuiluna's reign (1633 BCE).
1669 BCE
YAMHAD IS BETRAYED
Ishme-Dagan took part in the campaign against Qabra, a fortified city between Erbil and the lower Zab river and was recently devasted by Kakrum. For over ten days, Assyrian forces, 12,216 spearmen, plus 10,000 soldiers, pressed the siege lasting until the city gave way. Following the conquest, Shamshi-Adad planted Turukkean deportees in the area, but they rebelled, and 4,000 of them were captured and relocated to Ekallatum (1668 BCE); Dadusha has his own version: that he had taken Qabra with 10,000 troops and left garrisons behind.
Within 10 days, Dadusha in his Year 10, together with Shamshi-Adad who was in his Year 27, defeated king Bunu-Ishtar of Qabra. Dadusha beheaded the king and brought the head back to Eshnunna, as what he has written on his stele:
"... I majestically approach Qabra, his main city. In ten days I seized this city by means of a surrounding siege wall, by heaping up earth, with the help of a breach, an attack and my great strength. I swiftly bound its king Bunu-Ishtar by the blaze of my strong weapon and I truly had his head quickly brought to Eshnunna. ..."
According to Limi-Dagan, historian of Shamshi-Adad, this happened during the eponymy of Askudum, 37 years after the eponymy of Puzur-Ishtar [REL 191].
At about the same time, Shamshi-Adad advised his young son, Yashma-Adad, on how to rapidly levy troops for the siege of Nurrugum:
“General Yarimaddu told me that he had inspected the Hana (Khana) tribesmen and picked 2000 to go on the campaign with you and their names are noted on a tablet. Choose for yourself the 2000 Hana who will march with you and the 3000 already picked. Have Layum and your other advisors hear this tablet and help you decide. A tally of your men for military service is long overdue and as you can’t do it now, do it on your return. Until then, replace only deserters, missing and dead. Conscript 1000 men between the two towns and 1000 Hana, 600 Uprapu, Yarikhu (Jericho) and Amanu. Round up a further 200 and 300 men wherever you can and make a unit of 500. You will only need 1000 of your household troops. Then you will have 10,000 troops. I will send 10,000 landsmen (Assyrian territorial soldiers) who form a strong and well-equipped contingent. I have also sent word to Eshnunna (Dadusha) for 6000 men to come up from there. Together making up 20,000 we have a strong army!”
At the end of the day, Yashma-Adad was not interested in wars, and it was Shamshi-Adad who captured Nurrugum as well as 9 kings, Kibrum, king Yashub-Adad of Ahazum (actually defeated by Ishme-Dagan I), and king Yashub-Lim; and then gave them as booty to Dadusha when the limmu official was Ashur-malik.
Hammurabi's ally, Yarim-Lim reacted with this attack by sending troops in Diyala region.
Heartbroken must have been Yarim-Lim when he learned that Yasub-Yahad of Der and the ruler of Diniktum had likely gone over to Shamshi-Adad I. At that time Shamshi-Adad was only hours away from Der and already occupying Qabra, and had probably even sent part of the loot from Qabra as tribute to Dadusha.
A tablet discovered at Mari revealed the extent of those military interventions of Yarim-Lim in Mesopotamia; the tablet includes a declaration of war (c.1669 BCE) against Der and Diniktum in retaliation for their evil deeds, a reminder to Yasub-Yahad, the king of Der, about the military help given to his predecessor for 15 years by Yarim-Lim and the stationing of 500 Aleppan warships for 12 years in Diniktum.
What made matters worse was that Shamshi-Adad treacherously betrayed Dadusha and Ibal-piel despite having received their help (an example of help, in 1669 BCE, Ibal-piel joined with Shamshi-Adad to attack the kingdom of Malgium).
Ibal-piel (1669-1653), newly enthroned king of Eshnunna, offered peace and was fixing the borders, particularly their founded Harradum, to Zimri-Lim by sending envoys to Yarim-Lim asking for authorization which was not given. Because the father-in-law (Yarim-Lim) rejected the peace treaty, Zimri-Lim refused Ibal-piel's treaty on three occasions. Like his father Dadusha, Ibal-piel had a too much inclination to Shamshi-Adad, as probably suspected by Yarim-Lim I.
Ibal-piel was trying to convince Zimri-Lim, who this time was likely in Terqa. Terqa was subdued by Zimri-Lim in Year 12, around 1670 BCE.
"To our lord speak! Your servants Ibal-piel and Buqaqum (say), “We [arrived] in [the city of ] Assur at bedtime and [heard] the following word from those around us: ‘Kakmum defeated Ardigandi, the [king of ] Qabra.’ This we heard from those around us. We arrived [in Ekallatum], and Isme-Dagan [spoke to us] as follows: He (said), ‘5 hundred troops of Gur-gurrum attacked [the land] of Ardigandi and looted [its villages]. Two thousand troops of Ardi-gandi went out to the rescue and fought, and Kakmu went ahead and defeated Ardigandi. And his (Ardigandi’s) high-ranking servants were running about aimlessly. Now that man, from cause of having been defeated, [will]. And he will pay attention to your lord (Zimri-Lim)." --- ARM 26/2
This intelligence was sent when Ibal-piel II was still friend of Assyria (Shamshi-Adad I) and Ekallatum (Ishme-Dagan I) to inform Zimri-Lim that king Ardi-gandi of Qabra was defeated by Kakmum. Ibal-piel was in effect stirring up the interest of Yarim-Lim via Zimri-Lim because the region was under the Amorite allies of Yamhad.
Accordingly, 20 vassal kings were following Yarim-Lim I (d.1668) -- compared to the 10 or 15 kings that follow Hammurabi the ruler of Babylon, Rim-Sin of Larsa (d.1667), Ibal-pi-el of Eshnunna (started 1669 BCE), and Amarpiel II of Qatanum (ARM XXVI/2: p. 56-59 (text 303: 21’-22’). This explains why Ibal-piel was trying to be at peace with Yamhad Kingdom via Zimri-Lim and why Shamshi-Adad and Hammurabi of Babylon were avoiding Yamhad in direct combat in the past decades.
The coalition faced another problem: in his regnal Year 28, Shamshi-Adad attacked the then weak Qabra with his ally Dadusha, who was in Year 10. But afterward he turned on Dadusha and then on cities Shaduppum, Nerebtum and Andarig. Yashma-Adad visited Andarig after his father subdued it. And Rapiqum was forcedly taken by Shamshi-Adad from Eshnunna. This raised concern among neighboring countries and compelled Ibal-piel, the successor of Dadusha, to convince Zimri-Lim and Hammurabi of Babylon to take measures for their defense. Zimri-Lim in Year 12 (1669 BCE) went to the help of Andarig. Joining with them were Amarpiel II of Qatna, Yarim-Lim of Yamhad and Rim-Sin of Larsa to oppose Shamshi-Adad in 1668 BCE.
Siwe-Palar-Hupak may have invaded Apum, and his Elamite troops killed its king Haya-Abum (r.1675-1668).
Yarim-Lim died, too, and succeeded by his son Hammurabi I. By around this time, queen Shibtu probably gave birth to a boy and girl twins.
1668 BCE
HAMMURABI I, 3rd KING OF YAMHAD
Hammurabi I (1668-1654) of Yamhad sent troops to support his namesake Hammurabi (1696-1654) of Babylon against an invasion by Siwe-Palar-Hupak of Elam.
The coalition was unstable at the start. Rim-Sin had pledged military aid to Babylon, but he withheld it, refusing to wage war against Siwe-Palar-Khuppak of Elam. At the same time, Anni, governor of Eshnunna, may have encouraged Larsa (Rim-Sin) to revolt against Babylon (1667 BCE).
Meanwhile, Amarpiel II of Qatna tried to form an alliance with the Elamite king.
An Elamite messenger reached Emar and sent three of his servants to Qatna; Zimri-Lim of Mari intercepted the plot and warned Hammurabi I. Hammurabi I, who that time was the king of Yamhad, sent troops to intercept them on their return. As a result, the Elamite envoys were captured on the borders as they were returning to Elam and questioned, revealing that Amarpiel told them to tell their monarch that "The country is delivered to you, come up to me! if you come up, you will not be taken by surprise."
King Amarpiel II also sent two messengers to Elam, but they were probably captured in Babylon.
Despite the early defections, the alliance held. In the 29th year of Babylonian Hammurabi, troops from Babylon, Mari (Zimri-Lim) and Yamhad defeated the combined forces of Elam and Guti, expelling the Elamite forces from the borders of Assyria, Gutium, and Eshnunna. This is reflected on the report to Zimri-Lim of his general, Ibalpiel:
“To My Lord from Ibalpiel your servant:
Hammurabi said this to me: ‘a heavy armed force went out to attack the enemy column, but no suitable place could be found, so the force returned empty-handed and the enemy column is proceeding in good order without panic. Now send out a light armed force to raid the column and capture prisoners for interrogation.’ That’s Hammurabi’s orders. So I am sending Sakirum with 300 troops to Shabazum and the troops I have sent are 150 Hana, 50 Suhu and 100 troops from the Euphrates valley and there are also 300 troops from Babylon. In the vanguard of My Lord’s troops goes Ilunasir the seer, My Lord’s subject and a Babylonian seer goes with the troops of Babylon. These 600 troops are based at Shabazum and the seer consults the omens. When the omens are favourable; 150 go out and 150 come in. May My Lord [Zimri-Lim] be informed. My Lord’s troops are well.”
In this event, 1668 BCE, Babylonian prophet Ilu-nasir helped Babylonian Hammurabi.
1667 BCE
After defeating Elam, Hammurabi of Yamhad sent troops to support Babylonian Hammurabi in his war against Larsa.
Hammurabi of Babylon then joined forces with Zimri-Lim and marched to Mashkan-shapir, on the northern border of Rim-Sin's city and the forces quickly stepped in Larsa that after six months of siege, they defeated the city. Although Rim-Sin initially escaped, he was captured soon after and died in the captivity in 1666 BCE.
Around this time, Ibal-piel II of Eshnunna was fighting Shamshi-Adad and seized Mahazum in Subartu (IPE 4), and after that Hammurabi attacked the soldiers of Eshnunna (32nd Year name).
1666 BCE
Then Yamhad (Hammurabi I) dispatched 10,000 soldiers to aid Zimri-Lim. Following this was the retake of Mari, after the death of Shamshi-Adad I.
King Ibal-piel reported that on his Year 5 (1666-1665 BCE), Shamshi-Adad died - this was forty three years after the eponymy of Puzur-Ishtar (REL 154) or 16 years after Erishum II was deposed from Assyrian throne. According to Assyrian King List:
Shamshi-Adad I
"ruled 33 years and was conquered by Hammurabi,"
which means he reigned 16 years in Ekallatum and 17 years in Assyria.
This Shamshi-Adad's military defeat was officially reported by Hammurabi, who in his Year 32, wrote:
32 mu ha-am-mu-ra-bi lugal ...
[Year 32: Hammurabi king ... ]
ugnim eren2 ...
[the troops and army of...]
su-bir4{ki} ...
[Suburtu/Assyria ...]
me3-ta bi2-ib-szub-ba
[from the battle defeated]
... ma-da gu2 idigna
[...the land on the bank of Tigris]
en-na zag kur su-bir{ki}-sze3
[up to the border of the land of Subartu (Assyria)
szu-ni sa2 bi2-in-du11-ga /
[by his hand made pacified]
ba-an-sig3
[he struck down]."
This corresponds to 1666-1665 BCE in the Ultra-Low Chronology, when Ibal-piel II was in Year 5 at Eshnunna and Hammurabi was in regnal Year 32 in Babylon.
Few months after Hammurabi defeated the army of Assyria, Shamshi-Adad died.
Shamshi-Adad's death gave way for Zimri-Lim to take back Mari, and that's by the help of Hammurabi I of Yamhad and their tribes surrounding Mari.
Yashma-Adad, who was sitting on the throne of Mari, has discredited himself both in his father and brother's eyes and among the people of Mari. Beside being weak and inactive, his reign was remembered mainly for his indulgence in women. None of the citizens wanted such a king, encouraging a Bantu-Simaal leader to rise up and to depose Yashma-Adad.
Zimri-Lim mobilized his forces, including tribal allies such as the Bensimalites and Banjaminites, and filled the power vacuum. By the month Lîliâtum (apparently the 9th month) of that same year he reentered Mari, marking the second beginning of his restoration.
Second Year-names of Zimri-Lim:
1.Year in which Zimri-Lim ascended the throne of his father (1665 BCE)
2.Year Zimri-Lim made (the statue of) Annunitum of Sehrum (1664 BCE).
His accession happened in month Liliatum, in the eponymy of Tab-sili-Ashur in 1665-1664 BCE, specifically in the 32nd regnal year of Shamshi-Adad I.
This single year of actual reigning in Mari is inserted among the early years of Zimri-Lim's reign while in exile, which creates confusion for modern historians. Needless to say, Zimri-Lim had two "Year 1" in his life: the first when he became king/governor of Tuttul (Mariote Kingdom in exile), and the second when he was actually enthroned in Mari.
1665 BCE
After that, the king of Ugarit wrote to Yamhad king -- asking Hammurabi I to intermediate with Zimri-Lim to let him see the famous Palace of Mari, as he wish (1665 BCE).
Later in the reign of Hammurabi I, the city of Carchemish --- 100 km (62 mi) northeast of Aleppo, Syria --- came under Yamhad's domination.
Zimri-Lim established trade relations with at least 32 kings, mentioned in the palace archives, including those of Andarig, Apum, Ugarit, Byblos, Idamaras, Ilansura (Ellasar), and counts Anum-Herwa of Zalwar, Sharrum-kima-kalima of Razama, Terah from Urkesh, and Arriwuki (Arioch), and Hazorites, Sheth (Sutium/Sodomites), and likely of Jericho (Yarikhu) as his vassals. He also became an ally of Amarpiel II.
Pastoralists complained the burdens they were lefting imposed by Zimri-Lim.
"All of the nomads gathered, saying this, 'Write to our lord so as to allow us to make a raid on the sheep of Ishme-Dagan in Rapiqum and Yabliya. We want then to turn back toward the Bank of the Euphrates (i.e., Mari), (at which point) we will give many sheep to our lord [Zimri-Lim]. In this way, our lord would not keep on requesting sheep from us.” This is what all the nomads said as in one voice. ..."
Sodomites of Shutu (Sheth) might have also complaining.
These complaints reached queen Shibtu. If this spread out to Assyria, the possible reaction of Ishme-Dagan was to attack Mari in advance. Queen Shibtu received an intelligence report that Ishme-Dagan was indeed planning against Mari.
START OF CONFLICT BETWEEN ZIMRI-LIM AND HAMMURABI
After the death of Shamshi-Adad in 1666/1665 BCE, a dispute broke out between Zimri-Lim and Hammurabi over the control of Hit (Bitum).
According to a report from Mari’s ambassador in Babylon, Hammurabi made his position clear. The ambassador wrote to Zimri-Lim:
"To my lord say: Thus says your servant. I spoke with Hammurabi about the garrison at Rapiqum. I mentioned: ‘Hit, Kharbe, and Yabliya.’
He replied: ‘You must not mention Hit [Bitum]!’
He continued: ‘The situation is the same as when Shamshi-Adad took Rapiqum from the king of Eshnunna's control and gave it to me.
My garrison has remained there ever since and must remain now. Just as Shamshi-Adad’s garrison remained there ever since, so Zimri-Lim’s garrison may stay.
Just as our garrisons stayed there together, let our garrisons now be merged as one. A treaty of peace between us must last forever.’"
Hammurabi was referencing an earlier event: Shamshi-Adad had seized Rapiqum from Ibal-piel, the king of Eshnunna who in return happily marked the death of Shamshi-Adad in IPE 5 (Ibal-piel II of Eshnunna, 5th year name).
Hammurabi was signaling to Zimri-Lim: do not contest Hit (Hitum) the way Eshnunna contested Rapiqum (from Ishme-Dagan I). You may have a garrison, but ultimate control stays with Babylon.
Why did Zimri-Lim want Bitum (Hitum) so badly?
Hit (Hitum) was strategically and economically vital. It was the main source of asphalt/bitumen in the region. That resource had military value: Zimri-Lim’s ally Sharraya of Razama used asphalt in 1672 BCE to burn the siege engines of Atamrum, Dadusha, and Siwe-Palar-Huppak during their attack on Razama. This may also suggest that Sutum (Sodom) was starting to reject paying asphalt as tribute to the alliance of Zimri-Lim, which explains why Zimri-Lim now wanted Hitum (Hit) so badly from Hammurabi's control. So from the time Zimri-Lim built a palace in Saggaratum in 1678 BCE, we may infer that the Sodomites were paying tribute to the alliance, but in the 13th year they rebelled.
For Zimri-Lim there was also a historical claim. In his view, Hit belonged to the old district of Tuttul — the same region Sargon of Akkad (r.2238-2183 BCE) had included together with Mari. Control of Hit would restore a piece of that ancestral territory.
Babylon may have seen Zimri-Lim's restoration to the throne of Mari as a threat. Because even while in exile and ruling Mari from abroad, Zimri-Lim managed to bring many distant cities under the control of his overlord, Yarim-Lim of Yamhad. He is also remembered for the remarkable feat of traveling from his capital to the Mediterranean coast — a round trip of nearly 1,000 miles. For the time, this was an enormous undertaking, as most inhabitants of Mari never left the city, let alone journeyed to the sea.
He traveled with an entourage of 4,000, including family and household staff. For many, it was their first glimpse of the coast and of foreign cities. Beyond spectacle, the expedition served a political purpose. By stopping in allied towns, he strengthened trade ties and announced dominion as a rising commercial power — a status protected by his overlord in Yamhad. And no one dared to harm them while journeying, as Yamhad was the most powerful kingdom in the region at that time, i .e., neither Shamshi-Adad nor Hammurabi of Babylon dared to fight Yamhad that time.
To know the magnitude of its power, a tablet letter reminded Zimri-Lim (as of 1669 BCE) that, Yarim-Lim could count 20 allied kings — outnumbering the coalition Hammurabi of Babylon, Rim-Sin of Larsa, Ibal-pi-el of Eshnunna, or Amut-pi'el of Qatna had.
This network of alliances, built during Yarim-Lim I’s reign (c.1680-1668), continued to shape northern Syria even into the reign of his successor Hammurabi I (c.1668-1654 BCE).
The reach of this diplomacy extended to the Levant. For an instance, the ruler of Byblos, Yantin (fl. 1680-1660), who was appointed by the Egyptian king Neferhotep I (c.1664-1653), recognized Zimri-Lim as a major ruler and maintained diplomatic correspondence with him (1664 BCE).
Zimri-Lim married his daughter Shimatum to Haya-Sumu, ruler of Ilansura (Ellasar). He then married another daughter, Kirum, to the same man and appointed her "hazannu" (mayor or governor) of Ilansura (near modern Tell al-Salihiyah). This appointment was probably requested by Kirum herself to gain Haya-Sumu’s attention, since he favored Shimatum. The rivalry ended in Haya-Sumu’s divorce from Kirum.
Apparently, Haya-Sumu’s rule did not last long. After Teirru (Terah) left Urkesh because of death threats, Haran died in Urkesh-dim, whereas Abram went to Shekhem (to where Saqqaran Egyptians cursed him in c.1630 BCE), the kingdom of Urkesh probably fell to Ariukki, who may also have conquered Ilansura (Ellasar), which was a 2-day walk from Urkesh, which was on the northern border of Ashnakkum in Idamaraz region. In the Mari archives, king "Arriwuki" appears as a subordinate of Zimri-Lim (r.1679–1663 BCE). Since Terah was a second degree subordinate of Zimri-Lim, Ariukki — a Hurrian ruler approved by Zimri-Lim to replace Terah — would have shared the same status if he became king of Urkesh. Most likely Ariukki would only touch Ilansura or Urkesh after Zimri-Lim was deposed from Mari.
Inibsharri, yet another daughter of Zimri-Lim, having reached marriageable age, was given in marriage to a newly subjugated vassal king or well-known official Bahdi-Lim. By then, at least three or four of Zimri-Lim’s daughters were over 10 years old.
Terah (Teirru), the vassal ruler of Urkesh under the rule of Ashnakkum (44bis:16), sent several letters to Zimri-Lim explaining why he needed to leave Urkash-dim (sons of Urkesh): the Hurrians and Habiru (Hebrews) there were making many death threats against him and were slandering him -- "lemnētim idabbubū" (“they speak evil things”) of him -- after he accepted Zimri-Lim as overlord. It seems that this was not the case when Yashma-Adad (1669 BCE) was the suzerain of Idamaras. The sons of Urkesh abhorred Terah for choosing Zimri-Lim. They considered him "nakrū" ("to be enemy"), and also "izērū" (“they hate”) him. And this was understandable because Urkesh-dim was much nearer to Shamshi-Adad's seat of power (Shubat Enlil, about 130 km away) than to Zimri-Lim's Alalakh or Mari (470 km distant). That is, Shamshi-Adad could reach Urkesh in just a few hours, whereas Zimri-Lim would take a few days. Hence, the sons of Urkesh were furious at Terah for siding with Zimri-Lim.
Terah (Te-er-ru) called his citizens as
"DUMU.MEŠ a-li-ia,"
" 'dim' of my city" (44bis:8),
where "dim" means "sons." It was he who probably popularized "Urkash-dim."
The name "Urkesh" was usually used to mean the inhabitants, or as a collective, with the plural verb "ilqu" -- by their neighborhood Ashlakka (48:59) and Ashnakkum (98:17). Abram used the term "Urkash-dim," instead.
This may mean Terru (Terah) was not native to Urkesh like the Hurrians, because he was an Amorite, as was Zimri-Lim.
Terah said:
“Because I have cast my lot with my lord [Zimri-Lim], people in my town hate me. A couple of times I have had to save myself, escaping death”
(ARM 28 44bis).
And he continued:
"ittīya ul idabbubū" ("they do not speak with me" -- 107:7)
“I did not know," Zimri-Lim replied, "that the sons of your city hate you on my account. But you are mine, even if the city of Urkesh is not.” (c.1667 BCE)
He probably left Urkesh to Haziran (Haran), who was visited by Zimri-Lim in Ashlakka (c.1669 BCE) to detain several men to Urkesh, where the assembly of Urkesh agreed to free the detainees (69:4).
Haran died in Urkash-dim, although Abram continued the journey, while Terah probably remained in Harran.
Zimri-Lim was a good reader, and he read a lot of letters, not only of his vassals and servants, but most especially of his wife.
In one notable letter from around 1665 BCE, queen Shibtu relayed prophetic omens and intelligence about enemy auxiliaries plotting rebellion to her husband, king Zimri-Lim.
After receiving an oracle from a "qadishtu" (priestess) residing in the temple of Annunitum, the goddess of war, in Sehrum, Shibtu sent a letter to Zimri-Lim. In it, she conveyed the prophetic assurance, saying:
"I have asked my questions about Babylon. That man [Hammurabi] is plotting many things against this country [Mari], but he will not succeed. My lord [Zimri-Lim] will see what the god will do to him. You will capture and overpower him. His days are numbered and he will not live long. My lord should know."
The content appears to be Shibtu's interpretation of what was actually said — and worse, her mishearing may have led her to improve it into better news for Zimri-Lim. Her line "his days are numbered" suggests that it was likely taken by the priestess from an astrological reading issued by the Babylonian astrologers.
“If an eclipse occurs on the 14th day of Shabatu [month XI], and the god, in his eclipse, becomes dark on the side south above, and clears on the side east below; the north wind (blows, and) (the moon) begins the last watch, and he (the moon) is seen with the sun. His horns bend (toward) the sky. He (the moon) did not obscure (cover up) his entire šurinnu [eclipsing crescent], and disappeared. You observe on the 28th, and the eclipse is near; begins and becomes red; it (the šurinnu) will show you the eclipse. Observe his eclipse, (that of) the god who in his eclipse was visible and disappeared, and bear in mind the north wind. The prediction is given for Babylon: the destruction of Babylon is near.” - EAE tablet 20
A hasty reading or hearing of the final sentence risks misinterpretation. The omen states that if lunar and solar eclipses are observed on the 14th and 28th days of Shabatu, one should "bear in mind the north wind," because it portends that "the destruction of Babylon is near."
Crucially, the text does not assert that Babylon will fall at the time of the eclipses. The qualifier "NEAR" is indefinite and could refer to a span of two years, a decade, or a generation.
Shibtu also forwarded prophecies promising military success for Zimri-Lim, especially during tensions with Ishme-Dagan (r. 1665–1653 BCE), Shamshi-Adad I’s successor. In one letter, she relayed a favorable oracle from the priests:
"Dagan, Adad, Itur-Mer, and Belet-ekallim march beside you, and Adad will decide the outcome."
She then reported a vision of rebellion in Ishme-Dagan’s army that would lead to his defeat:
"They will behead Ishme-Dagan and place his head beneath my lord’s feet."
These messages served a dual purpose: they reassured Zimri-Lim of divine backing and demonstrated Shibtu’s active role in gathering prophetic support for Mari’s campaigns.
The solution of Hammurabi for the given date in the prediction (EAE 20) was to standardize the calendar. The trick he used was by adopting Nippur's calendar.
The first month of the civil calendar during the Ur III and Old Babylonian periods was Sekinku (Addaru), or the "month of barley harvesting" (last half of May and first half of June). In Nippur, however, this same month, called "Segurku" (barley harvesting), was the 12th month. To make it more mind disturbing, Hammurabi designated "Addaru" as the 12th month, thereby Nisannu must be the first month. Furthermore, in Mari, within the realm of Zimri-Lim, barley harvesting occurred in Nisannu (March/April). Before the Babylonian king conquered Larsa in his Year 31 (1666 BCE), Larsa's Nisannu was late by almost one month, falling between April/May, which placed Shabattu in February/March. Thus, Hammurabi had twofold purpose in standardizing calendar in 1665 BCE: first, to obscure the predicted 14th & 28th day of Shabattu, and second, to impose a single calendar on the entire empire.
As a result, it became difficult now to determine which 14th and 28th day of Shabattu the prediction referred to. But since the original Addaru was the month of harvesting barley (May/June), the original Shabatu must have been in April/May. Therefore, contemporary decoders would have had to look for dual eclipses in April.
Here come the Babylonians, marching toward Mari. The people were given the chance to abandon Zimri-Lim. Hence, around that time, when Hammurabi was in Assyria, Abram — after receiving a message from Yah to leave his birthplace Haran — migrated to Canaan.
The royal citizens of Mari had already fled, too, even before Hammurabi entered Mari. Queen Shibtu was probably left in Mari together with her servants and other officials. That is why the Babylonian king reported in Year 33:
"Hammurabi [of Babylon]... overthrew in battle the army of Mari and Malgium and caused Mari and its territory and the various cities of Subartu [Assyria] to dwell under his authority in friendship." — 1663/1664 BCE
It's possible that Hammurabi I of Yamhad negotiated with Hammurabi of Babylon for the safe passage of his sister, Queen Shibtu. This makes sense, as Babylonian records show that Hammurabi of Babylon does not touch Yamhad/Aleppo in Year 33.
Likewise, some cities under Ishme-Dagan did not dare to fight, and instead reached out for friendship.
However, in 1663 BCE, Zimri-Lim and a few loyal officials may have fled to Alakhtum (Alalakh), his former place of refuge. They likely still trusted the oracle relayed by Queen Shibtu, not realizing she may have altered its meaning.
That very palace at Alakhtum could be why Hammurabi I of Yamhad suspected Zimri-Lim of ambitions to claim the throne of Yamhad itself in the future — or worse, to betray Yamhad.
Alakhtum (Alalakh) had originally been a fief: a temporary grant of refuge to Zimri-Lim while he was hiding from Shamshi-Adad. Once Zimri-Lim regained his own throne at Mari, he was expected to cede it back to the king of Aleppo, as Ambassador Nur-Sin requested.
But Zimri-Lim did not return it to Hammurabi I of Yamhad. By holding it, he effectively acted like a vice-king of Yamhad.
That this was the intended function of Alalakh is confirmed 27 years later, when it became a cadet branch of the Yamhad dynasty: its king was required to remain loyal to Aleppo or forfeit the city. It appears Zimri-Lim was treating Alalakh the same way, and Hammurabi I may have feared he intended to use it as a base to become overlord of Yamhad.
For that reason, Yamhad may have allowed Babylon to destroy it in 1663 BCE, ensuring Zimri-Lim could not establish a rival kingdom there. This would also account for the burning of Palace Level VII at Alalakh. Hammurabi’s army likely set fire to the palace at Alakhtum that same year.
Neither Zimri-Lim's allies in Sodom (Sutum), Hazor and Jericho could help, when Bera led a rebellion against Amarpel, and Abram defeated the alliance of Arriuki. The leader of the district, Kedorlaomer, asked a help from Amarpel, the overlord of the region assisted by Ariukki, the vassal of Zimri-Lim, in 1664 BCE and they may have defeated the Refaim, the Shasu of Aamu, the Yamimu, Kharu, Amalekites, Amorites and Sodomites, but Abram intervened and in return pushed the alliance of Tidhal of Goiim (Galilee), Amarpiel of Shinar, and Ariukki of Ilansura away and slaughtered Kedorlaomer of Eram. So, this time, no way for Zimri-Lim to win the battle against Babylon as his allies in the south were defeated by the Canaan's Habiru and Hattians led by Abram.
With no refuge left, Zimri-Lim’s troops may have withdrawn to Mari to make a final stand, clinging to the hope that Shibtu’s prophecy would prove true.
Babylonian records confirm that in Year 35 of Hammurabi, 1662-1661 BCE, 'the walls of Mari were destroyed to the ground.'
Bera's allies, who were formerly under Kedorlaomer, who was under Amarpiel, who was an ally of Zimri-Lim became friends of Babylon as implied in Hammurabi's Year Name 33:
"Hammurabi [of Babylon]... caused Mari and its territory ... to dwell under his authority in friendship."
Supporting this theory is the fact that Sutium (Sheth/Sodomites) were utilized as couriers by Hammurabi of Babylon, probably a year after Bera succeeded Hammi-Talu. Some of these Sutium camped near Terqa, blocking the roads to Eshnunna.
After this, there are no further mentions of Zimri-Lim. Meanwhile, Hammurabi I of Yamhad remained secure and prosperous, untouched by Babylonian expansion. Friendly relations between Yamhad and Babylon continued into the reigns of their successors.
On his part, Hammurabi I granted the city of Irridu to his son Yarim-Lim (who probably was at age of 20). He died c. 1654 BCE -- likely around the time Samsuiluna was enthroned -- and he was succeeded by his son Abba-el I. Another son, Nakkusse, is attested in the Alalakh tablets as holding a senior position in the court.
